Emotional intelligence, a concept coined by Goleman,1 is the ability to dis-cern, utilize, and shape the emotional reactions of self and others. Emotions represent an area rich in tradition and span fields of study, as well as culture and time. This is the latest book in the series, Innovations in Psychology. Professor Kathleen Gilbert, through this book, introduces the field to an important new area, emotion-focused research. Emotions include, but are not limited to, stress and flow or lack of it (the manifestation of emotions), feelings (that represent and cause the emotion stress), and emotional controls (our efforts to modulate our emotional effects). Emotions account for an extraordinary amount of the human expe-rience. It is remarkable how little we know about this phenomenon. It is about time that we address the emotional nature of research. “How do we manage the emotions stimulated by researchers? What does it mean if the researcher is profoundly affected by the experience, even to the extent of going through a spiritual epiphany?”Dr. Gilbert, a professor at Indiana University for many years, addresses these and other related questions in a book for researchers and practitioners who wish to apply qualitative (as opposed to simply quantitative/data analysis-driven) research methods to human research. The tradition of this book series represents substantial and trendsetting innovations in psychology, has set new agendas for burnout in families, 2and has opened new areas of clinical innovation by introducing energy psychol-ogy, 3 traumatology, 4,5 and poetry therapy. 6 In a period of substantial scholarly activity in the social and medical sciences, giving voice to research participants is suddenly more acceptable beyond anthropology and those practitioners of qualitative research meth-ods. This trend is part of a larger cultural trend, even a global trend. In part this is due to the impersonal aspects of the internet, the growing concentration of people in the cities, and other demographic explanations. However, some suggest that psychology has lost its heart and soul. Gone are the influences of social psychology that led to major breakthroughs in......
How, and what, can we know?
Transpersonal psychology is a branch of psychology that recognizes and accepts spirituality as an important dimension of the human psyche and of the universal scheme of things. It also studies and honors the entire spectrum of human experience, including various levels and realms of the psyche that become manifest in non-ordinary states of consciousness (NOSC). Here belong, for example, experiences and observations from meditation and other forms of systematic spiritual practice, spontaneous mystical raptures, psychospiritual crises (‘spiritual emergencies’), psychedelic therapy, hypnosis, experiential psychotherapy, and near-death situations (NDE). (Boorstein, 1996, p. 44).
Among all the sciences, psychology is perhaps the most mysterious to the general public, and the most prone to misconceptions. Even though its language and ideas have infiltrated everyday culture, most people have only a hazy idea of what the subject is about, and what psychologists actually do. For some, psychology conjures up images of people in white coats, either staffing an institution for mental disorders or conducting laboratory experiments on rats. Others may imagine a man with a middle-European accent psychoanalyzing a patient on a couch or, if film scripts are to be believed, plotting to exercise some form of mind control.
Dreaming might seem like a strange place to start up the conversation between Jung and Luce Irigaray. Yet it brings together Hegelian Dialectic, the unconscious and the body. Once we encounter the body, we need to imagine what kind of body we are engaging with; and since bodies are not neutral with respect to their material properties, their social locations and how they are valued, then we are on the road to exploring just what is entailed in the dreaming process. In the ®rst instance my discussion explores Carl Jung's idea of the collective unconscious by examining his notion of dreaming. I argue that Jung understands dreaming as both a collective affect and as a personal or individual response to one's lived-in world which is structured by and structures, in part, the collective uncon-scious: the relation implied here is dialectical. The focus on the collective unconscious draws attention to the role the body plays as a limit of both consciousness and the unconscious. I then propose that the body question provides a link to Luce Irigaray's work because her conception of the body is never simply `body' but always `sexed' body. The argument I advance about dreaming and the unconscious constitutes a signi®cant intervention in our considerations regarding our embedded-ness in the world, as both conscious and unconscious selves. It raises some salient questions about the mode of embeddedness, viz. as bodies that are lived-in bodies and the kind of effect that has on us. Carl Jung's insight regarding the restricting role the body plays in the production of con-sciousness out of unconsciousness, and the ubiquitous presence of uncon-sciousness, requires careful deliberation, however, because, as we all know, our bodies are sites of differences as well as similarity. His theory misses out on an important feature: it speaks in generalities; it is not speci®c to sex/ gender, race, age or class.
In our scientific journals, there is an explosion of information about neuroscience and about the bidirectional nature of brain and behavior. The matter was previously debated as if one had to choose between two camps (mind versus brain), but a rapidly developing new paradigm is replacing this former dichotomy— that the brain influences behavior, and that the mind (ideas, emo-tions, hopes, aspirations, anxieties, fears, and the wide realm of real and perceived environmental experience) influences the brain. 
Do you have a Facebook account? We’re pretty sure that you do since Facebook is currently the most popular social networking site in Canada with nearly 1.6 million users (Eldon, 2011). Facebook and other social media, such as Twitter, are changing the very nature of social relationships. It is estimated that as many as 90 percent of college and university students check their Facebook at least once per day, making it one of the most visited sites on the internet (Rosenbush, 2006). As all of you know, Facebook is used as a way of interacting with others, finding online friends, keeping friends aware of the changes in your life, showing pictures, and even starting— or ending—relationships. While popular, engaging, and convenient, Facebook is not without its problems. For instance, Facebook opens up a person’s world—activities, list of friends, and personal information—to full public scrutiny (Boyd & Ellison, 2007), creating some serious concerns over issues of personal privacy (Christofides, Muise, & Desmarais, 2009). It’s commonly assumed that adolescents and young people are far more likely to exchange information that may cause damaging privacy consequences, but a recent study suggests that midlife adults are equally...
What kind of beings do we think we are? This may seem a philosophical question. In part it is, but it is far from abstract. It is at the core of the philosophies we live by. It goes to the heart of how we bring up our children, run our schools, organize our social policies, manage economic affairs, treat those who commit crimes or whom we deem mentally ill, and perhaps even how we value beauty in art and life. It bears on the ways we understand our own feelings and desires, narrate our biographies, think about our futures, and formulate our ethics. Are we spiritual creatures, inhabited by an immaterial soul? Are we driven by instincts and passions that must be trained and civilized by discipline and the inculcation of habits? Are we unique among the animals, blessed or cursed with minds, language, consciousness, and conscience? Are we psychological persons, inhabited by a deep, interior psyche that is shaped by experience, symbols and signs, meaning and culture? Is our very nature as human beings shaped by the structure and functions of our brains? Over the past half century, some have come to believe that the last of these answers is the truest—that our brains hold the key to whom we are. They suggest that developments in the sciences of the brain are, at last, beginning to map the processes that make our humanity possible—as individuals, as societies, and as a species. These references to the brain do not efface all the other answers that contemporary culture gives to the question of who we are. But it seems that these other ways of thinking of ourselves—of our psychological lives, our habitual activities, our social relations, our ethical values and commitments, our perceptions of others—are being reshaped. They must now be grounded in one organ of our bodies—that spongy mass of the human brain, encapsulated by the skull, which weighs about three pounds in an adult and makes up about 2% of his or her body weight. This ‘materialist’ belief has taken a very material form. There has been a rapid growth in investment of money and human effort in neurobiological research, a remarkable increase in the numbers of papers published in neuroscience journals, a spate of books about the brain for lay readers, and many well-publicized claims that key aspects of human affairs can and should be governed in the light of neuroscientific....
The likelihood of obtaining fresh new insights is especially high in connection with fields that bring in notions yet unexplored in information systems theorizing. A field of inquiry that appears to hold much promise in this respect is evolutionary psychology (Barkow et al. 1992; Buss 1999). This field of inquiry builds on concepts and ideas related to human evolution, primarily human evolution during the period that goes from the emergence of the first hominids, the Australopithecines (Boaz and Almquist 2001), up to the present day. (The term “hominid” is used here as synonymous with “hominin.” In this sense, recent evidence supports the existence of even more ancient hominids, the Ardipithecines). Evolutionary psychologists generally believe that many of our modern brain functions evolved during the period that goes from the emergence of the first hominids around 3.5 million years ago until the emergence of modern humans about 100,000 years ago (Buss 1999; Cartwright 2000). 
Psychologists develop theories and conduct psychological research to answer questions about behavior and mental processes; these answers can impact individuals and society.
Anxiety is considered a normal coping response, and for a person without an anxiety disorder, it can provide a means of arousal in response to a possible dangerous or unfamiliar situation. Symptoms such as increased heart rate, nervousness, and tension are included in this heightened awareness, and this sharpened attentiveness can lead to a positive outcome to the situation, such as being astute during a job interview. In contrast, anxiety disorders have negative effects on individuals, which can keep them from being able to cope with everyday life because of intense arousal in inappropriate situations. This illness of the nervous system is the most common type of mental disorder, with 15%–20% of the human population having some type of anxiety disorder. Additionally, sex differences have been found among anxiety disorders, with most of these disorders being more prevalent in women than in men. In this part, the authors review sex differences in panic disorder and agoraphobia, posttraumatic stress disorder, and substance abuse disorder associated with posttraumatic stress disorder. Although panic disorder with or without agoraphobia is more common in women than in men, the profile of symptoms does not differ between the sexes. A discussion of factors that affect women with panic disorder and comorbid psychiatric and medical disorders is presented within the first two chapters of this part. Included in this discussion are details about the effect of the reproductive life cycle, psychosocial variables, and treatment variables. The third chapter includes recent epidemiological studies showing that women are affected by posttraumatic stress disorder more than men are,.........
This book is structured around a simple chronological framework, which we call the research process: that is, the sequence of steps that researchers go through during a project. The steps can be grouped into four major stages. Like all such frameworks, it is idealized, in that the stages are not always distinct and may interact with each other. However, we find it a useful way of thinking about how research is conducted, both one’s own and other people’s. 
For people whose exposure to psychology comes from popular books, magazines, TV, and the Internet, psychologists analyze personality, offer counseling, and dispense child-rearing advice. Do they? Yes, and much more. Consider some of psychology’s questions that from time to time you may wonder about: 
Today, about one hundred and fifty years after the publication of Darwin’s Origin of Species, how do biologists, historians, and philosophers reassess the strengths and weaknesses of sexual selection? Answering this is the overall aim of this book. At least two major concepts of contemporary biology originate in the works of Charles Darwin: natural selection and sexual selection. Originally, sexual selection dealt with the competition for mates, while natural selection was more concerned with individual survival. As Darwin says in the first edition of his Origin of Species (1859, p. 88): “This depends, not on a struggle for existence, but on a struggle between the males for possession of the females; the result is not death to the unsuccessful competitor, but few or no offspring. Sexual selection is, therefore, less rigorous than natural selection.” The concept of sexual selection was amply developed and refined in Darwin’s Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex, along with several other issues like the “proportions of the sexes” (Darwin 1871; see Veuille, this volume). For Darwin, sexual selection “has led to the development of secondary sexual characters.” (1871, vol. 1, p. 271).
This is a book about how to write undergraduate practical reports. It is designed to help students with every stage of the report writing process by giving them clear and detailed advice about what to put in each section of the report and describing broader issues of format, style and other issues involved in producing good reports of their practical work. As this book is first and foremost about how to write reports, this material forms the focus of the main body of the book, Part 1. Part 2 of this book contains material on design and statistics. It is designed to give students the background they need in key aspects of design and statistics to help them better understand what is required of them in report writing. Material in both parts is supplemented by a Web site that contains additional material on report writing and design. The Web site can be found at http://mcgraw-hill.co.uk/ openup/harris/ First published in 1986, this book has been reprinted many times and is now in its third edition, so several generations of undergraduate students have benefited from using it in their studies. I hope that this edition continues to prove a boon to students and look forward to receiving their emails about it. There are several changes and updates in this new edition. The most obvious is that, for the first time, it has been paired with two statistics textbooks from the same publisher, both of which have been selected because they are comparatively easy to use and have the appropriate breadth of coverage. Both of these are best sellers in their own right. J. Greene and M. D’Oliveira’s (2006) Learning to use statistical tests in psychology is the more basic and introductory and
